Charles did not see his action as surrender, but as an opportunity to regain lost ground by playing one group off against another; he saw the monarchy as the source of stability and told parliamentary commanders 'you cannot be without me: you will fall to ruin if I do not sustain you'. Spanish news media started to speculate about the King's future in 2013, following public criticism over his taking an elephant hunting safari in Botswana and an embezzlement scandal involving his daughter, Infanta Cristina, Duchess of Palma de Mallorca, and her husband Iñaki Urdangarin. The King's private secretary, Rafael Spottorno, denied in a briefing that the " abdication option" was being considered. [66] Juan Carlos I signing his abdication law. Next to him, prime minister Mariano Rajoy, countersigner of the law. (18 June 2014). In 2023, the High Court of England and Wales threw out the case on the grounds that it had no jurisdiction in the matter, but made no judgement as to the substance of the allegations. [133] Relocation abroad [ edit ] Satirical mural in Benimaclet, València, about Juan Carlos's relocation to Abu Dhabi. Juan Carlos was married on 14 May 1962, to Princess Sophia of Greece and Denmark, daughter of King Paul of Greece, firstly in a Roman Catholic ceremony at the Church of St. Denis, followed by a Greek Orthodox ceremony at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Athens. She converted from Greek Orthodoxy to Roman Catholicism. They have three children:

The Spanish constitution at the time of the abdication did not grant an abdicated monarch the legal immunity of a head of state, [75] but the government changed the law to allow this. [76] However, unlike his previous immunity, the new legislation left him accountable to the supreme court, in a similar type of protection afforded to many high-ranking civil servants and politicians in Spain. The legislation stipulates that all outstanding legal matters relating to the former king be suspended and passed "immediately" to the supreme court. [77] Reactions [ edit ] Republican demonstration in the Puerta del Sol on the day that Juan Carlos announced his decision to abdicate The capture of the King's secret correspondence after Naseby showed the extent to which he had been seeking help from Ireland and from the Continent, which alienated many moderate supporters. no earthly power can justly call me (who am your King) in question as a delinquent... this day's proceeding cannot be warranted by God's laws; for, on the contrary, the authority of obedience unto Kings is clearly warranted, and strictly commanded in both the Old and New Testament... for the law of this land, I am no less confident, that no learned lawyer will affirm that an impeachment can lie against the King, they all going in his name: and one of their maxims is, that the King can do no wrong... the higher House is totally excluded; and for the House of Commons, it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deterred from sitting... the arms I took up were only to defend the fundamental laws of this kingdom against those who have supposed my power hath totally changed the ancient government. [272]Charles I, in his unwavering belief that he stood for constitutional and social stability, and the right of the people to enjoy the benefits of that stability, fatally weakened his position by failing to negotiate a compromise with Parliament and paid the price. Carlton 1995, pp.235–236; Cust 2005, pp.323–324; Gregg 1981, p.343; Hibbert 1968, p.160; Loades 1974, p.417. Eldest son of Paolo II and Italia Murru, born 1931. Married, no issue. Died May 1993 at Capo Testa, Sardinia. [20] During the 1960s and 70s, his cousins Maria Molinas Bertoleoni (1869–1974) and Laura Molinas Bertoleoni (d. 1979), both daughters of Mariangela and Bachisio Molinas, also laid claim to the vacant "throne". [21] [22] [23] [24] Tonino (1993–present) [ edit ] Tonino Bertoleoni the current head of the family, in 2021

Manca, Tania. Viaggiatori europei. Dall'esplorazione del mondo al viaggio in Sardegna (700 e 800), Carlo Delfino, Sassari 2005. Morta la principessa dell'isola di Tavolara ha compiuto ieri 104 anni". La Stampa. Feb 12, 1974. p.8 . Retrieved 28 March 2012. In the first four years of his rule, Charles was faced with the alternative of either obtaining parliamentary funding and having his policies questioned by argumentative Parliaments who linked the issue of supply to remedying their grievances, or conducting a war without subsidies from Parliament. Tensions between the King and Parliament centred around finances, made worse by the costs of war abroad, and by religious suspicions at home. Charles's marriage was seen as ominous, at a time when plots against Elizabeth I and the Gunpowder Plot in James I's reign were still fresh in the collective memory, and when the Protestant cause was going badly in the war in Europe. Tribuna Araldica, Famiglie di Genova, estinte e viventi, nobili e popolari, ed.Europea di Araldica, parte 1, Genova 1983.Russell, Conrad (1991), The Fall of the British Monarchies 1637–1642, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 0-1982-0588-0 Hale, Walter (Nov 1904). "The Search for a Lost Republic". Harper's Monthly Magazine. CIX (DCXLIX): 929–936. Although opponents later called this period 'the Eleven Years' Tyranny', Charles's decision to rule without Parliament was technically within the King's royal prerogative, and the absence of a Parliament was less of a grievance to many people than the efforts to raise revenue by non-parliamentary means. Under the Constitution, the King has immunity from prosecution in matters relating to his official duties. Consequently, he exercised most of his powers through the ministers; his acts as King (and not as a citizen) were not valid unless countersigned by a minister, who became politically responsible for the act in question.

Holmes, Clive (2006), Why was Charles I Executed?, London & New York: Hambledon Continuum, ISBN 1-8528-5282-8 Charles had to recall Parliament. However, the Short Parliament of April 1640 queried Charles's request for funds for war against the Scots and was dissolved within weeks. Swiss and Spanish prosecutors also investigated several accounts related to the former King, such as an account in Switzerland with almost €8 million [119] and an attempt to withdraw nearly €10 million from Jersey, possibly from a trust set up by or for Juan Carlos in the 1990s. [120] [121] Juan Carlos claims he is "not responsible for any Jersey trust and never has been, either directly or indirectly". [122] Their hostility was summarised in 1641 by Francis Rous, "For Arminianism is the span of a Papist, and if you mark it well, you shall see an Arminian reaching to a Papist, a Papist to a Jesuit, a Jesuit to the Pope, and the other to the King of Spain. And having kindled fire in our neighbours, they now seek to set on flame this kingdom also." [107]

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With the monarchy overthrown, England became a republic or " Commonwealth". The House of Lords was abolished by the Rump Commons, and executive power was assumed by a Council of State. [303] All significant military opposition in Britain and Ireland was extinguished by the forces of Oliver Cromwell in the Third English Civil War and the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland. [304] Cromwell forcibly disbanded the Rump Parliament in 1653, [305] thereby establishing the Protectorate with himself as Lord Protector. [306] Upon his death in 1658, he was briefly succeeded by his ineffective son, Richard. [307] Parliament was reinstated, and the monarchy was restored to Charles I's eldest son, Charles II, in 1660. [308] Wikipedia articles incorporating a citation from the 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica with Wikisource reference Lake, Peter (2015), "From Revisionist to Royalist History; or, Was Charles I the First Whig Historian", Huntington Library Quarterly, vol.78, no.4, pp.657–681, doi: 10.1353/hlq.2015.0037, S2CID 159530910 online

In 1957, Juan Carlos spent a year in the naval school at Marín, Pontevedra, and another in the Air Force school in San Javier in Murcia. In 1960–61, he studied law, international political economy and public finance at the University of Madrid. [18] He then went to live in the Palace of Zarzuela and began carrying out official engagements. Born December 20, 1778, on the nearby island of La Maddalena, Giuseppe Celestino Bertoleoni Poli was a shepherd and the only inhabitant of the island before Charles Albert, the King of Sardinia's visit. He claimed to have impressed him as an educated man and to have been made king of the island shortly thereafter. He brought his two families from other islands to live with him. The Italian government tried to prosecute him for bigamy, but failed because of his title. [2] [3] Passed kingdom to son Paolo in 1845; died 1849. [4] [5] [6] Giuseppe's origins are a mystery. Because he claimed to be more highly educated than the average Sardinian shepherd, some have speculated on no ground that he was a fugitive member of the Carbonari, an exiled French aristocrat, or even the Lost Dauphin. [7] Paolo I (1845–1886) [ edit ] Royal tomb of Paolo I and Pasqua Favale Charter of Tavolara Vuillier, Gaston (1896), The Forgotten Isles: Impressions of Travel in the Balearic Isles, Corsica and Sardinia, trans. Frederic Breton, p 386 de Lisle, Leanda (2017), The White King: Charles I, Traitor, Murderer, Martyr, New York: PublicAffairs, ISBN 978-1-6103-9560-1On the evening of Holy Thursday, 29 March 1956, Infante Alfonso died in a gun accident at the family's home Villa Giralda in Estoril, on the Portuguese Riviera. The Spanish Embassy in Portugal then issued the following official communiqué: [11] Robertson, Geoffrey (2002), Crimes Against Humanity: The Struggle for Global Justice (2nded.), Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0-1410-1014-4 Carlton 1995, p.46; Cust 2005, p.31; Gregg 1981, p.90; Hibbert 1968, p.63; Quintrell 1993, p.11; Sharpe 1992, pp.5–6. The victory of the PSOE in 1982 under González marked the effective end of the King's active involvement in Spanish politics. González governed for 14 years, longer than any other democratically elected Prime Minister. His administration helped consolidate Spanish democracy and thus maintained the stability of the nation. Burgess, Glenn (1990), "On revisionism: an analysis of early Stuart historiography in the 1970s and 1980s", Historical Journal, vol.33, no.3, pp.609–627, doi: 10.1017/S0018246X90000013