Another witness, Amanda Metcalfe, saw Lewis in the pub where she worked after Wallace was meant to have killed him. She was told not to testify at the trial and did not. The other man in the pub was not Wallace. One of Colin Wallace’s most controversial activities was his attempts to destabilise a Loyalist paramilitary organisation known as TARA. If, as the Intelligence Services claimed, they had no involvement with William McGrath of Kincora, the paramilitary organisation he commanded (Tara), Kincora itself, or with abuse at other homes, why would a 1921-type Tribunal “not [have been] in the interests of the Intelligence Services”? The former British Prime Minister’s Private Secretary, a Unionist MP, was also mentioned in the 1973 TARA press briefing. Mooney and others would go on to smear an array of British Labour MPs, union officials and other left-wing groups. The victims included PM Harold Wilson, Deputy PM Ed Short and Tony Benn.

Mooney belonged to the ‘Special Editorial Unit’ (SEU) of the Information Research Department (IRD). Fisk was harassed by British authorities after Wallace passed certain ‘restricted’ documents to him. ‘Restricted’ was the lowest level designation for these types of documents. These particular papers did not relate to Kincora, Tara nor McGrath. The actress is asked about the politics of this matter, and the refusal of politicians to commit to attending such marches. In June 1998, a former Special Branch officer who was familiar with the Wallace case wrote to Paul Foot, author of the book, ‘Who Framed Colin Wallace’ saying: “I sincerely believe that Colin Wallace was ‘fitted up’ by corrupt members of the Establishment embarrassed by the events described in the early part of your book. I do not suggest for a moment that any Sussex Police officer involved in this enquiry was corrupt, because I do not believe they were, but I feel there was a hidden agenda, and that the senior officers knew a lot more about the matter than they would ever care to reveal”. If anything, the Special Branch officer was being far too kind to the Sussex Police, a contingent of which had suppressed evidence about the real killers. The conviction was quashed in 1996. Wallace received compensation. MI5 EXPLOITS THE PROVISION OF ‘RESTRICTED’ DOCUMENTS BY COLIN WALLACE TO ROBERT FISK TO DESTROY WALLACE AND PROTECT A PAEDOPHILE NETWORK.

There is a lot more to the Hammond story than that outlined above. Readers interested in the case should also read Ciarain MacAirt’s article which can be accessed at: https://www.papertrail.pro/smoke-and-mirrors-the-mysterious-case-of-ranger-hammond/ In the 1970s and beyond the BBC in Britain knew that Jimmy Saville was raping children. Yet, they did nothing and continued to let Saville host programmes for children. The Deputy Director-General of the BBC in the 1980s was Alan Protheroe. He not only tolerated Saville but helped MI5 safeguard the Anglo-Irish Vice Ring of which Kincora and other homes were a part. When Wallace was released from prison in 1987, Protheroe moved to shut down a report on his case which was due to appear on Newsnight.

Macmillan recalled Knox Cunningham fondly in his memoirs and awarded him a baronetcy in his resignation honours. Despite this, his publishing company, Macmillan, failed to publish Cunningham’s memoirs. In the main, this article – which is intended as an online version of the old fashioned pamphlet – has been drawn together from reports which have already appeared in Village. This account has been prepared in response to the launch of Wallace’s legal action in Belfast. The materials included in the ‘pamphlet’ merely represent a portion of the evidence which shows that Wallace has been telling the truth for decades and the MoD, NIO, Home Office, Conservative Party and Whitehall have been lying. Readers should also watch the documentary ‘The Man Who Knew Too Much’ which is available on Youtube. Fisk reported on the Troubles during the 1970s for The Times of London before it was taken over by Rupert Murdoch. He also produced a book on the 1974 Ulster Workers Council strike and another on Irish neutrality during World War II. He had the dignity and self-respect to walk away from The Times after Murdoch began to interfere with his reporting. He soon became recognised as an international authority on the Middle East among his many other achievements. What “secret work very close to politicians’ was taking place that could have been of interest to an inquiry into child sex abuse? The most likely answer is that this was a reference to MI5 and MI6’s secret files on members of the DUP (such as the ‘Wife Beater – see the online book) and the Official Unionist Party members (such as James Molyneaux MP and Knox Cunningham) not to mention Enoch Powell, all of whom were child abusers. The operation Wallace and his colleagues launched against McGrath took place in 1973, although Wallace was aware of Tara from 1971. Had it succeeded, the children abused during the period 1973-1980 would have been spared the appalling sexual abuse they had to endure. The reason the operation failed will be discussed later in this article. First, let us look at how Wallace attempted to expose the scandal.On 18 January 1984 Prior told the House of Commons that the next step would be an enquiry led by a judge which would look at the failure of the RUC. “The Hon. Gentleman said that Sir George Terry understood why the police [i.e. the RUC] did not investigate the matter before 1980. I believe that it would be within the inquiry’s terms of reference to examine why no inquiry was instigated before 1980. This goes to the heart of much of the concern expressed in Northern Ireland.” (Ref: Hansard House of Commons Debate 18 January 1984 vol 52 cc319-26.) A number of journalists have confirmed that they either saw ‘73 TPB or received a briefing from Wallace in 1973 about Tara based on the information that was contained in it. murder and sabotage plan, fronted by the IRA, which basically seeks to create in Ireland a socialist republic on Cuban lines. This achieved, the next step would be the drive for a British Workers’ republic. Wallace has explained. “This was based on a piece that Robert Fisk wrote for The New Statesman… Cameron knew, of course, that I had been briefing the press about McGrath since 1973 at the request of my Army superiors”.

At no time did Prior make it clear either to Parliament or to the public that the Hughes Inquiry was neither required nor empowered to inquire into the performance of the police and intelligence services in relation to the scandal. James Prior who misled parliament. MI5 manipulated events so that the tribunal came to believe that Wallace did not participate in PsyOps. Cameron was based at MI5’s station at HQNI, Lisburn. He had become concerned about Wallace’s attempts to expose what had been going on at Kincora. Cameron was in overall charge of running the sordid Kincora operation at ground level in the mid-1970s.Cameron’s superior, Denis Payne, was the overall head of intelligence at the NIO. Denis Payne, the MI5 officer in overall charge of intelligence in NI. He oversaw the Kincora child sex abuse operation and helped Cameron destroy Wallace’s career. He undoubtedly knew that some of his colleagues at the NIO such as Peter England and John Imrie were abusing boys.