As 1954 progressed, Candour’s nature was becoming more and more clear. It was following in the tradition of what Hilaire Belloc meant, just after World War I, when he referred to the ‘free press’ — little papers, unsubsidised by advertisements, consequently running at a loss and necessarily not of mass appeal. (18–19) British Resistance was the brainchild of Rosine de Bounevialle, the editor of Candour. The group's activities included hosting training camps and co-ordinating activities with other far-right organisations. [55] 2000s [ edit ] White Nationalist Party [ edit ] Merkl, Peter H. and Leonard Weinberg, Right-wing Extremism in the Twenty-first Century (London, England and Portland, Oregon, USA: Frank Cass Publishers), p. 127. Ultimately, Mosley’s vision failed to capture the support of the Far Right or establish the legacy or influence of Powell or Farage. In Italy, following the collapse of Mussolini’s government in 1943, the remaining fascists set up a new state and party in Salo which became known as the Salo Republic. As part of a new manifesto an argument was made for the realisation of a European Community, with a federation of all nations” who agreed with fascist principles.

The wide-reaching critiques that this conspiracy theory utilised meant that the LEL won membership from various sectors of right-wing opinion, including former BUF activists like Chesterton himself and Barry Domvile, traditionalist patriots like General Richard Hilton and young radicals like John Tyndall, John Bean, Colin Jordan and Martin Webster. [4] Indeed, in its early years, the LEL succeeded in attracting some leading members of the establishment to its ranks, including Field-Marshal Edmund Ironside, 1st Baron Ironside, Lieutenant-General Sir Balfour Oliphant Hutchison and the former British People's Party election candidate Air Commodore G. S. Oddie. [5] In 1940, shortly after the fall of France and Churchill’s arrival in Downing Street, Mosley – who was then calling for Britain to accept Hitler’s offer of peace – was interned under Defence Regulation 18B. Canvas Prints add colour, depth and texture to any space. Professionally Stretched Canvas over a hidden Wooden Box Frame and Ready to Hang Les Prince collection of ephemera re anti-fascism and anti-racism Link opens in a new window, 1976-1985 To replace what is known as 'The Commonwealth" by a modern British world system which, while ensuring the sovereign independence of each nation, would work for the closest co-operation between the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia. Canada, and Rhodesia, and in which, if they so desired, the Republics of South Africa and Ireland would each occupy an honoured place.Commonwealth countries, unlike South Africa and Rhodesia, "our kith and kin", are beset by a chronic decadence that is hiding the true qualities that in other circumstances would further British destiny. AbstractThis thesis contributes to one of the main debates of British imperial history, the relevance of the Empire to British society. It examines a number of twentieth century imperial activist groups and discusses in detail the Junior Imperial League and the League of Empire Loyalists. It argues that the Junior Imperial League was an important imperially-minded organisation which gave valuable practical support to the Conservative party. It suggests that the imperialism of the League of Empire Loyalists had ideological roots in the imperialist ideas of the late nineteenth century has been overlooked by historians who have perceived it as relevant only to extreme right-wing politics. It suggests that both these groups have been given too little, or the wrong kind of, attention by historians. The first has simply been overlooked and the second has tended to be subsumed into a search for British fascism rather than studied as a specifically imperial body. The Newcastle Democratic Movement was an anti-immigration group based in Newcastle-upon-Tyne that merged with the National Front in December 1971. Their membership provided the basis of a new large party group on Tyneside. [40] Individual Glass Coaster. Elegant polished safety toughened glass and heat resistant, matching Place Mats are also available

In 1954 Chesterton established the League of Empire Loyalists, a political pressure group whose direct action stunts and ‘interventions’ received widespread publicity and attracted the attention of a new generation of fascists, nationalists and right-wing extremists. In 1967 when the League merged with the British National Party, the Greater Britain Movement and the Radical Preservation Society to form the National Front, Chesterton was invited to become its first chairman. Brooks in particular was an ideal example of the LEL activist — a large man with a bushy red beard who was prepared to do anything to challenge the cosy consensus of the post-war world. The ideologies usually associated with the far right include fascism, Nazism and other ultra-nationalist, religiously extreme or reactionary ideologies. [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] The National Socialist British Workers' Party was largely the work of one man, G.R. Jenin, whose National Observer published Nazi Party material in the early 1970s. [29] Trade Unions Against Immigration (TRU-AIM) was a joint initiative of the National Front and British Movement. Led by Bill Whitbread it hoped to infiltrate the mainstream trade union movement but was eventually scuppered by internal differences. [41]

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It is hard to deny that there was a kind of symbiosis between this incarnation of the League and a Conservative Party that was then moving fast towards the centre and increasingly betraying any sense of British interest.

Roger Eatwell & Cas Mudde, Western Democracies and the New Extreme Right Challenge, Taylor & Francis, 2004 Although itself a tiny organisation, it was the League of Empire Loyalists and its concept of “Britain (and its empire) first” that became the dominant strain in British fascism. There was little overlap with the idea of pan-Europeanism in its outlook. Greetings Cards suitable for Birthdays, Weddings, Anniversaries, Graduations, Thank You and much more a b c Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish political organizations: parties, groups and movements of the 20th century, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2000, p. 175

To permit the association with this new world system of approved Afro-Asian countries on terms acceptable to all the foundation members.

Chesterton looms large throughout the book and was the guiding spirit of the movement. A nephew of the famous writer and man of letters G.K. Chesterton, he was briefly a member of Mosley’s British Union of Fascists and also served in both world wars, each time in Africa, where he was also born. Peter H. Merkl & Leonard Weinberg, Right-wing Extremism in the Twenty-first Century, Psychology Press, 2003 Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations: Parties, Groups and Movements of the 20th Century, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2000, pp. 192–193 The year after the 1958 Notting Hill race riots he stood as a general election candidate in Kensington North, calling for the forced repatriation of Caribbean immigrants which would stop the “brothels, vice clubs and all-night parties” and a prohibition of mixed-race marriages.

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It specialized in a particular brand of vigorous, independent journalism that possessed a John Bull quality in its proclamation of the virtues and values of the British Empire. The Manchester Guardian once described it as being ‘almost the last remaining home of the declining art of invective.’ A polemical writer of A.K.’s calibre could not have felt out of place on its staff with his talents in that field! (p. 13) Ridley Road was the thriving epicentre of the local Jewish community and had long been a favourite meeting place for Mosley and his fascists. Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations, 2002, p. 189