Jimenez, Gustavo Fernando (16 December 2019). "Andrónico recibe apoyo de juventudes del MAS de Cochabamba como candidato a la presidencia"[Andrónico Receives Support from MAS Youth in Cochabamba to Be Presidential Candidate]. El Deber (in Spanish). La Paz. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. The US ‘War on Drugs’ spurred considerable academic interest in the impact of US policies on development in the Global South where most illicit drug crops are produced. There is consensus that the vast power asymmetry between the United States and Latin American countries led to region-wide conformity with US interests in punitive drug strategies despite high costs. For example, Beatriz Labate, Clancy Cavnar and Thiago Rodrigues find that punitive drug strategies in Latin America led to militarisation of domestic law enforcement, which weakened democratic norms and institutions and contributed to rising human-rights violations. Footnote 14 In addition, studies link US-supported forced eradication of drug crops to increased poverty, population displacement, deforestation and pollution in frontier regions with fragile ecosystems. Footnote 15 For traditional Yungas cocaleros represented by ADEPCOCA, the 2017 General Law of Coca that replaced Law 1008 directly threatened their privileged position among Bolivian coca growers, which was a direct consequence of divisions created under the US-imposed Law 1008. Footnote 132 Law 906 resulted from a lengthy and combative, but also robust and democratic, public discussion with direct participation of cocalero organisations that pitted traditional farmers from La Paz against the Chapare sector. The debate revolved around key issues including the expansion of legal coca and the extent of government regulation of coca production and commercialisation. Each group, represented by its regional organisation, attempted to shape the law to conform to its sectoral interests. Footnote 133 La Paz cocaleros represented by ADEPCOCA envisioned a law restoring the privileged status of traditional areas. While rejecting government regulation of their coca, ADEPCOCA members supported a strong state role outside traditional zones, including harsh criminal penalties for coca in ‘unauthorised zones’. Footnote 134 The Six Federations’ support for CYCN and local enforcement capacity was vital to the success of CYCN precisely because farmers in transitional zones faced strong incentives to defy the cato limit. Indeed, the Cato Accord ended the wholesale criminalisation of the area's coca farmers but a cato alone did not yield sufficient income for many households. Footnote 74 While recognising coca control as a public good that benefited the community, individual coca farmers preferred for others to bear the economic risk of reduced production. Footnote 75 Hence, between 2006 and 2009, widespread violations of the cato limit threatened to delegitimise CYCN as a coca-control strategy, and Morales’ early efforts to eradicate excess coca in Chapare spurred resistance. Footnote 76 For Morales, the dilemma in Chapare was compelling compliance without repression, thereby appeasing both the international community and his core constituency. To accomplish this, Morales harnessed the Chapare unions’ authority and political unity behind the MAS to implement a policy of ‘social control’, a community-based plan for enforcing the limit in the Cato Accord with minimal repression, in exchange for government-supported development projects. Aré Vásquez, Tuffí (2 June 2019). "¿Quién es el cocalero de 29 años que prepara Evo Morales para su sucesión?"[Who Is the 29-Year-Old Cocalero Evo Morales Is Preparing for His Succession?]. Infobae (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. ... desde su elección, en septiembre de 2018, [Rodríguez] casi siempre [aparece] al costado derecho o izquierdo de Evo Morales ... el joven personaje ya es el hombre de mayor confianza del Presidente en su mayor bastión.

Given their historic relationship, Rodríguez remained a stalwart Evista—the faction of parliamentarians most closely aligned with Morales—throughout his early senatorial tenure. [35] Though Rodríguez continues to be recognized as one of Morales's most trusted figures within both the legislature and cocalero movement, [36] more recently, he has also been highlighted as an emerging leader of his own Androniquista bloc, a quaternary faction within a MAS internally divided by Arcista, Choquehuanquista, and Evista currents all vying for leadership of the party. [37] Commission assignments [ edit ] Cocalero is every bit as green and scary looking as Agwa, but it’s definitely a different animal. For starters, it’s made in Dublin, Ireland. Apparently, it’s quite popular overseas, and now it’s coming to the U.S.:To account for CYCN as a major deviation from US interests and prevailing policy outcomes in Latin America, previous studies stress the political capacity of Bolivia's coca growers’ movement. Footnote 21 In particular, the cocalero unions in the non-traditional coca region of Chapare played a pivotal role in propelling their leader, Morales, to national power. Footnote 22 In contrast, weaker cocalero organisations in Colombia and Peru are linked to persistent punitive policies and more violent repression. Footnote 23 These studies of cocalero organisations, combined with claims that grassroots organisations largely lost influence after MAS formed a government, Footnote 24 directly inform the questions and arguments that frame this study. Given the significance of the Chapare cocalero unions to Morales’ electoral success, how did coca growers’ unions shape the implementation of CYCN while Morales was in office? Moreover, how was the experience of CYCN different for Chapare unions, criminalised under previous law, compared to organisations representing traditional growers?

Evo es ratificado por los cocaleros del trópico como su presidente"[Evo Is Ratified by the Cocaleros of the Tropics As Their President]. Urgente.bo (in Spanish). La Paz. 28 September 2018. Archived from the original on 29 August 2022 . Retrieved 29 August 2022.

Cocktails

The subnational perspective guiding this research departs from conventional approaches in drug-policy research that view coca-growing regions as homogeneous at either the national or regional level. Such approaches primarily focus on US influence Footnote 12 and cross-national policy comparisons, Footnote 13 but pay less attention to local variation. Studies of the US influence on drug policies in Latin America tend to cluster in two groups. One group highlights how the US-led ‘War on Drugs’ harms development, while the other group uses cross-national research to underscore the novelty of Bolivia's rejection of US policies compared to Peru and Colombia, the other major coca/cocaine producers. This article draws on these perspectives to focus on how US influence shaped early drug policy in Bolivia, which later prompted distinct reactions from traditional and non-traditional cocaleros to CYCN reforms. Evo y Andrónico son ratificados como presidente y vicepresidente de las federaciones del trópico"[Evo and Andrónico Are Ratified as President and Vice President of the Federations of the Tropics] (in Spanish). La Paz. ERBOL. 20 September 2021. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. Conoce cómo quedará conformado el Senado, donde el MAS tiene 21 escaños, CC 11 y Creemos 4"[Find Out How the Senate Will Be Conformed, Where the MAS Has 21 Seats, CC 11, and Creemos 4] (in Spanish). Agencia de Noticias Fides. 22 October 2020. Archived from the original on 3 November 2020 . Retrieved 30 August 2022.