Samuel Tymms (1832). "Devonshire". Western Circuit. The Family Topographer: Being a Compendious Account of the ... Counties of England. Vol. 2. London: J.B. Nichols and Son. OCLC 2127940. Evidence for the Anglo-Saxon genetic influence on Devon has been found in UK wide genetic studies by the Wellcome Trust, University of Oxford& University College London. They discovered that Devon is markedly distinct from Cornwall, and that although Devon was also distinct from the rest of Southern England, it was less so than Cornwall. Oxford University researcher, Sir Walter Bodmer, said this could likely be explained by the Anglo-Saxons contributing less DNA to the gene pool in Cornwall than in Devon. It is notable that these distinct genetic groups closely match the traditional county boundaries, both between Cornwall and Devon but also between Devon and its eastern neighbours. [15] Devon in Anglo Saxon times edit A Map of British Kingdoms circa 800 AD Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII". British-history.ac.uk. Archived from the original on 7 August 2014 . Retrieved 7 May 2014. Many of the English versions since then have drawn inspiration from Tyndale, such as the Revised Standard Version, the New American Standard Bible, and the English Standard Version. Even the paraphrases like the Living Bible have been inspired by the same desire to make the Bible understandable to Tyndale's proverbial plowboy. [69] [24] Hamlin, Hannibal; Jones, Norman W. (2010), The King James Bible After Four Hundred Years: Literary, Linguistic, and Cultural Influences, Cambridge University Press, p. 336, ISBN 978-0-521-76827-6

Rex, Richard (2014). "The Religion of Henry Viii". The Historical Journal. 57 (1): 1–32. ISSN 0018-246X. JSTOR 24528908. Demaus, Robert (1886). William Tyndale, a Biography: A Contribution to the Early History of the English Bible. London: Religious Tract Society. p. 21. Brian Moynahan writes: "A complete analysis of the Authorised Version, known down the generations as 'the AV' or 'the King James', was made in 1998. It shows that Tyndale's words account for 84% of the New Testament and for 75.8% of the Old Testament books that he translated." [67] Joan Bridgman comments on the Contemporary Review that, "He [Tyndale] is the mainly unrecognized translator of the most influential book in the world. Although the Authorised King James Version is ostensibly the production of a learned committee of churchmen, it is mostly cribbed from Tyndale with some reworking of his translation." [68] By the early 16th century, the Wycliffite translations were becoming less and less comprehensible as the English language changed from Middle English to Early Modern English. [13] : 320 Classical and Koine Greek texts became widely available to the European scholarly community for the first time in centuries, as it welcomed Greek-speaking scholars, philosophers, intellectuals, and the manuscripts they carried to Catholic Europe as refugees following the fall of Constantinople in 1453.

He was a gifted linguist and became fluent over the years in French, Greek, Hebrew, German, Italian, Latin, and Spanish, in addition to English. [20] Between 1517 and 1521, he went to the University of Cambridge. Erasmus had been the leading teacher of Greek there from August 1511 to January 1512, but not during Tyndale's time at the university. [21] Sculpted Head of William Tyndale from St Dunstan-in-the-West Church, London

He married firstly, in May 1512, [4] Werburga, the daughter of Sir John Brereton and Katherine Berkeley, and widow of Sir Francis Cheyney. They had a son and at least two daughters: [1] [5] [6]Reidhead, Julia, ed. (2006), The Norton Anthology: English Literature (8th ed.), New York, NY, p. 621 {{ citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher ( link) An innate tendency towards the untheoretical can be excluded, and there are multiple female mathematicians. But are women economists irresistibly drawn to the investigation of the everyday economy? Is it because of what Drake described, with an ironical distance, as “irregular timekeeping”, in the sense of always being distracted by domestic life? Or is it because no woman economist – or at least no one who started to study economics, as I did, in the late 20th century – has been without the jarring experience of being confronted with social norms about family responsibilities?