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Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics | LSE

For cost savings, you can change your plan at any time online in the “Settings & Account” section. If you’d like to retain your premium access and save 20%, you can opt to pay annually at the end of the trial. Eileen M Hunt: Feminism vs Big Brother - Wifedom: Mrs Orwell’s Invisible Life by Anna Funder; Julia by Sandra Newman You may also opt to downgrade to Standard Digital, a robust journalistic offering that fulfils many user’s needs. Compare Standard and Premium Digital here. In its details, it’s a portrait that Mills would recognise. “Their very identity as high-flying, highly accomplished graduates of elite institutions,” Goodwin observes, “gives them a profoundly important and highly collective sense of unity” and “shapes their values and collective loyalties”. This sense of collective identity is “strengthened by their social networks, which are usually filled with other elite graduates from other elite universities. More often than not, people from the new graduate elite marry other members of the graduate elite.” The image of a distinct new elite, defined by education and values, standing over the common people, has a long history Rachman, Gideon (22 June 2023). "Best summer books of 2023: Politics". Financial Times . Retrieved 25 August 2023.

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Hot property... [from] an insightful author and a trendsetting 'entrepreneurial academic', combining his scholarly work with writing punchy op-eds and making his case on TV and radio. Rakib Ehsan, CapX Florida Governor Ron DeSantis speaks at a news conference after signing the ‘Stop Woke Act’. Photograph: Miami Herald/TNS

Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics

If the political right wishes to win a large share of votes from these people, it needs to emphasise issues relating to immigration and the culture wars - rather than make the mistake of Trussonomics in thinking that we can return to Thatcherism. While the author recognises that some of Mrs Thatcher's reforms were good and necessary, the key fault of Thatcherism is that it prioritises the market over the country, which, in turn, creates the conditions for greater globalization and feeds the demand for mass immigration. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Boris Johnson were able to appeal to this constituency by emphasising issues such as national sovereignty, limiting immigration, and levelling-up parts of the country outside of London. Where might the real centre ground of British politics lie? “We love our NHS, hang the paedos” — that was a tongue-in-cheek formula sketched out in 2018 by Jeremy Driver, a tweeter who might just be the most influential political philosopher you’ve never heard of. His viral tweet came at the height of the excitement about a new centrist party, but little did Driver know that Boris Johnson would soon seize his mantra as the ideological path to power. And over the past decade, many of these voters have felt pushed away from Labour by their growing awareness of the third big divide over virtue, how some institutions and activists today have simply come to see some groups in British society as more virtuous, more morally worthy, than others.It has been 26 years since the British children’s television show Teletubbies aired on TV for the first time, with its infamous grassy hill, Sun Baby and 10ft tall aliens capturing the hearts of children all over. Like with so much TV aimed at infants, Teletubbies made no sense, but its saturated colours and catchy songs made it a mainstay in children’s entertainment. Liberals in the media, thinktanks and universities certainly help shape the national conversation. But, again, the issue is not nearly as straightforward as Goodwin suggests. He points to studies showing that most journalists are left wing. Yet, the media coverage of, and national conversation about, say, “stop the boats” policy or the Rwanda scheme has hardly been “left wing”. On the contrary, language once confined to the far right is now casually exploited by mainstream commentators. One could plausibly argue that someone like Goodwin himself shapes public debate more than most of the “new elite” to whom he points. One of the other features of this definition of a new elite is how easily it can flex to accommodate the politics of those it needs to include: so Jeremy Corbyn is a member, and Boris Johnson is not. To explain this, Goodwin says that “most of all, they are defined by their very liberal if not radical ‘woke’ values”. So if you’re a rich, prestigiously educated Londoner but you don’t like footballers taking the knee, you’re probably not part of this “new governing class”. David Gelber: Chancellors & Chancers - Austria Behind the Mask: Politics of a Nation since 1945 by Paul Lendvai